Remembrance of Allah

BELIEF in the Omnipresence of Allah is one of the basic ingredients of faith. It implies firm conviction that Allah sees whatever one does, hears whatever one says and knows whatever one has in mind anywhere all the time. The practical aspect of this conviction has been frequently termed as Zikr Allah in the Quran which literally means remembrance or active consciousness about the presence of Allah.

Remembrance of Allah has been rated above many other acts both by the Quran and Sunnah. The Quran says “salat surely restrains from doing evil and shameful acts but remembrance of Allah is the greatest (thing in life)” (29:45). And when the Prophet (peace be upon him) was asked whether he would rate remembrance of Allah above fighting in the Way of Allah he replied in the affirmative.

According to Abdulhah-bin-Umar, his father said that once he was sitting with the Prophet along with others that a stranger came and asked the Prophet what “Ihsan” could be. The Prophet replied “it could be to worship Allah as if you see Him and if you cannot see Him, yet He sees you”. And when he left, the Prophet told them that he was Jibraiel who had come to teach them their religion. (Muslim).

It could be an excellent experience if one is aware of the presence of Allah while praying. But otherwise too, such consciousness is highly valued by Allah. The Quran terms those persons as the favourites of Allah who, when they do any wrong, remember Allah instantly and seek His forgiveness (3:135) which obviously means that remembrance of Allah can have great value even if it occurs at times other than during the course of prayers.

Remembrance of Allah could be even more meaningful and effective, when there is some positive reaction or response to it. Thus one should remember Allah by saying Allaho Akbar or similar other words the moment Allah comes to his mind, and if he has done something wrong, repent over it and seek His forgiveness, or if he is doing anything wrong, stop doing it and seek His forgiveness or if there is any needy person within his sight, help him in whatever way he can and be grateful to Him for the good he has been able to do.

The Quran highlights two levels of submission to the Will of Allah which can also be treated as the two levels of human development in some contexts. One is when it says “In fact, the one who repents and does righteous deeds returns to Allah as he rightly should” (25:71) also called as the people on the right hand (56:8). The other level has been explained with reference to Hazrat Ibrahim which is total submission to the Will of Allah and doing of righteous deeds (4:125) also called as the people being foremost in the race (56:10).

Remembrance of Allah could be of utmost importance to the attainment of the above levels of submission. A person will repent over whatever wrong he does and vow not to do any wrong again only when it occurs to him that Allah has seen what he has done. Likewise, a person will comply with the guidance of Allah in whatever he hears, sees, does or seeks only when he has the presence of Allah in mind. The same awareness that restrains a person from doing wrong and evil deeds also impels him to do good and righteous deeds.

The Quran emphasises the need for remembering Allah in several ways. As it says “He is with you wherever you may be and sees whatever you do” (57,-4). Through one of the earlier revelations the Prophet was specifically advised to keep on remembering Allah even while performing ordinary duties (73:7,8).

It means that even if one is doing his normal or routine work he should do it as if he is doing it in the presence of Allah. In other words one should retain the sense of Allah’s nearness at all times. The Quran sums up the importance of Allah’s remembrance thus “if you remember Allah, He will remember you”(2:152).

Remembrance of Allah not only fosters the fear of Allah in one’s mind but also promotes patience, will-power and steadfastness at the same time.

It can have the most soothing effect on mind and can be of great help in controlling tension, wrath, frustration, worries and griefs. As the Quran says, “Verily in the remembrance of Allah do hearts find rest (satisfaction)” (13:28).

The person who remains conscious about the presence of Allah in whatever he does, says, seeks or thinks could be truly one of those about whom the Quran says that they will never have any fear nor will they be ever grieved (2:38,112). It does not, however, mean that no adversity or calamity will ever touch him. In fact, adversities and calamities will visit him as usual but inspired by his faith, he will remain so steadfast and endure any situation whatsoever with such fortitude that he will never have any fear nor will he be grieved.

The way the Prophet endured the loss arising out of the deaths of Hazrat Khadijah and Hazrat Abu Talib in the same year at a time when their presence he badly needed, could be the best example. That’s why the Quran says “in the Prophet of Allah you have the best example of conduct)” (33:21).

The Quran not only emphasises the importance of remembering Allah but also guides us in how to develop that tendency. If we have a look at our main prayer called salat, it will follow that it is primarily meant to reinforce and develop consciousness about the presence of Allah. It starts with Allaho Akbar and thereafter all the recitations, movements and postures thereof constantly call one’s attention to the presence of Allah. Even if a person commits slight mistake while offering salat all alone, he tries to rectify it although no one can see or sense what mistake he has committed. It is the conviction that Allah knows what has gone wrong.

Fasting is another ritual having more or less the same effect. The person in a state of fasting may be very hungry or thirsty, yet he avoids taking meals or drinking water even if he is all alone and there is no one to see or know what he is doing. It is only the belief that Allah sees what he does which impels him to avoid taking meals or drinking water. In fact, salat and fasting on a regular basis can be of great help in developing propensity towards the remembrance of Allah everywhere at all times.

Since remembering Allah creates direct rapport between the man and Allah, it could be more appropriate if the man directly invokes Allah (2:186) by calling Him by any of His specified names (7:180) as and when he repents over whatever wrong he does and seeks His forgiveness. Likewise,if he wants to call Allah for His favours or bounty, he should do it directly on the basis of His appropriate attributes like, His Generosity, His Mercy, His Graciousness or His Magnanimity.

There can be no better way of invoking Allah than by relying on His attributes which could also be reflective of one’s faith in the Quranic assertion that He is independent of all while all are dependent on Him (112:2).

Microcredit helps poor women

DESPITE a large number of studies and reports being published on rural credit, there is a dearth of literature and understanding about the welfare impact of micro-credit on the needy socio-economic segments of society. In fact micro-credit and its related facilities are meant only for the poor for whom survival is an uphill task and freedom from starvation is of daily concern.

It must be admitted that behind the abstractions and platitudes one hears frequently on micro-credit, there are countless men and women who live in abject poverty. The concept of a democratic order that supports the rising expectations of people tells us that we do have the ability and we have the capacity to eliminate poverty but at times we are not able to rise above our own vested interests.

The need, therefore, is to search for ways and means to give immediate respite to the country’ enormous rural population, particularly rural women who are burdened with incredible survival issues. And in the task of massive rejuvenation lies the criticality of involving both men and women in transforming their own lives. Max Milliken has rightly stated that “in responding to social challenge, it is the people themselves who must be facilitated to change. This then is the paramount requirement for modernizing society at all levels.” At the economic level somehow the requirement is to begin with the process of transparent institutionalization of micro-credit and micro-savings’ agenda.

Such an exercise will increase the competitiveness in healthy trading initiatives at the grass roots. The question is: Are we doing the right thing in the right manner at the present time? The answer is not simple — one of the major concerns about institutionalized credit and non-institutionalized credit is that the various aspects in the two contexts need to be really integrated in order to complement each other. This is not being done at the moment.

Perhaps of greatest significance is the need to focus on the correlation between micro-credit and the women at the grass roots. It is a well-documented fact that for a society to remove the curse of poverty it must work with the men and women in a coordinated manner. Barbara Ward says that “people have an immense interest in this world, in its processes, in its laws, and in the ways in which it can be made over according to human ends — in fact, to see the world as an arena of work where needs and dreams can be satisfied.” This is a reality that no one can deny. What are the reasons then that keep us from involving the men and women in projects that are designed for their own well-being? If wisdom prevails, our leaders will indeed choose a road to development that rightly pulsates with energies and spirituality of the women themselves.

Without dismantling the social and cultural fabric of society, we must recognize that time is ripe for undertaking the much needed land reforms that will indeed have far-reaching effect on the life of those seeking assistance. If undertaken seriously these reforms will produce appropriate climate for self-enrichment of rural women. Let it however be said that micro-credit by itself is not the answer to all the problems of poverty but it certainly addresses it as an inducer to actions that can improve the life of rural communities.

The required change in land reforms and agricultural strategies will hasten to broaden the scope of rural credit by taking the community in general and rural women in particular into confidence. Opening the orbit of formal credit channels too wide is not always the best policy. In fact, while it is the informal source, which provides micro-credit to the rural poor in times of desperate need, it also holds them in eternal bondage. Looking ahead then one can understand the dynamics of women’s participation in quality activities, and no doubt in access to the “power” base that facilitates them in owning the interventions as their very own.

Analysis of the structural source and utilization patterns of rural credit in the country and access to it by rural households needs to be addressed. Long-term, effective regulation of procedures of making micro-credit a reality for women is imperative.

Women who are specially trained for field work should head micro-credit programme at the operational level.

The institutional credit source which has broadened its base in several developing societies emerged with the introduction of the green revolution. Other programmes include the Agricultural Development Bank, the commercial banks and the Aga Khan Rural Support Programme. The disbursement of financial assistance to farming women is scattered and ad hoc and marked with local imbalances.

There are a number of alternative strategies that could be drawn upon to revitalize the rural credit systems in developing economies. “Grameen” is a case in point, which has not only initiated but also encouraged consolidation of interest groups at the grass roots. These experiences reveal that higher economic growth is indeed linked to an effective strategy for domestic resource mobilization for women.

Institutional loans that are generally subsidized in Pakistan have increased over the years. For example, in aggregate terms institutional sources which amounted to about “a tenth of total borrowings in 1973 rose to nearly two-fifths of the total borrowing in 1985.” The credit from institutional sources has thus increased. However, in the final analysis reports imply that it strengthens the landowners and “owner-cum-tenants” by consolidating their power base and the privileges that go with it.

Unless rural women have access to cooperatives and a systematic micro-credit system, the likelihood of any substantial improvement taking place in their personal enrichment remains dim. Most families depending on loans from relatives and shopkeepers in the village also tend to get exploited by lenders who, although being aware of the consequences, pay scant need to the women’s misery.

Increase in the economic and political power of elite groups has brought about a paradigm shift in the concept of self-reliance and social challenge. Today, rural power brokers are largely interested in getting access to information on informal credit system. Interest rates on non-institutional credit are obviously much too high and incredibly exploitative for poor women. With lack of knowledge about book-keeping, the exploitation of women who are already burdened by caste, tribal rivalries leads to increased vulnerability. In addition, when small farming families are paying high amount as they borrow money from shopkeepers and relatives, stakes keep on mounting along with socially divisive disparities.

Only by employing a balanced mix of informal and institutionalized credit, the system can help women and girls to make the right choices.

Feudal practices in rural Pakistan are depriving many women of their right to livelihood. Landless tenants and small farmers are waiting for land reforms. The rural poor are threatened by mega initiatives, which will have little or no impact on their life. Enhancing the role, capacity and ingenuity of women at the grass roots through social and environmental policies is essential.

This would require reinforcement through equality of opportunity and respect for diversity. Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Fund is attempting to reach out to the poor. There is urgent need for public sector to train field workers to take the message of micro-credit to women working on farms and in non-agricultural pursuits.

The Khushhali Bank has geared up its operation in 50 districts with a client of 250,000 and total disbursement of Rs. two billion. The government will be eagerly awaiting the impact of such a large investment for the poor.

In addition, Rs four billion to 40 partner organizations have been linking clientele of over 32,000 men and women. There is a need to undertake an honest evaluation of the impact on partners to ensure an equitable distribution of benefits.

Over 100 years ago, John Stuart Mill observed, “The basic dilemma of the future would be how to unite the greatest individuality of action and liberty with common ownership — and an equal participation of all in the benefits of combined labour.”

In the reconstruction of grass-roots communities, therefore, micro-credit will thus play a critical role in shaking up the “status quo” mindset of our decision makers.

Let freedom blossom.

Which is the real pipeline for peace?

AMERICAN insistence on the international isolation of Iran seems to have become the sticking point in the proposed Iran to India gas pipeline project despite the fact that the project has immense economic and political benefits for the region.

Surprisingly, American concerns come weeks after crossing of what most people saw as the biggest hurdle — making India and Pakistan agree in principle on the project and getting them to start talking about it.

There are some who say that American action and words on peace in the subcontinent remain contradictory. On the one hand, while America promotes dialogue between India and Pakistan and is a strong supporter of the on-going composite dialogue process, it is finalizing deals to sell arms (F-16 and 18) to both countries. In the same vein, America is opposing the biggest confidence-building measure that Pakistan and India can undertake, which is the Iran to India gas pipeline project.

To be fair, American opposition to the Iran gas pipeline project is not something new. In 1979 the United States imposed sanctions against Iran in response to the seizure of the US embassy by students, marking the beginning of the Iranian hostage crisis. Since then, Washington has imposed various sanctions against Tehran, accusing the Iranian government of developing nuclear weapons and sponsoring and funding terrorism abroad.

The sanctions block US-based oil companies from operating in Iran, giving the US a strong incentive to generalize the sanctions and block US firms’ foreign competitors from operating there as well. The US administration has been consistent in its policy of trying to economically strangle Iran into submission. While this has not worked, the biggest victims have been companies and entities that have interests in Iran and that do business with the US as well.

These third party companies, mostly European but also including an Australian oil and gas giant, have backed off from doing business with Iran since they do not want to upset their business interests in other parts of the world. In some instances where they have not shut down operations, these companies have certainly reduced their operations in Iran or have in some way cut back on their involvement there.

The decision of the American government to turn the screws on third party companies comes after American firms protested that they were being put at a disadvantage because of the economic sanctions, Iran gas pipeline project being a case in point.

Keeping in mind the problems faced by international companies, Iran at one point offered Pakistan that it had the expertise to build the gas pipeline up to its borders from the South Paras gas field where it will be sourced. Iranian diplomatic officials have floated this idea as one possible way to break the deadlock that American sanction may create. The proposal would involve a joint Iran-India-Pakistan consortium with different companies building different portions of the pipeline. But these are modalities that need to be worked out.

No talk on a gas pipeline project to Pakistan and Iran can be complete without mentioning the alternative project proposed by American oil giant, Unocal. This company has some very powerful friends in Washington as well as in different parts of the world. Even Afghan president Hamid Karzai was once a Unocal consultant. Unocal has been working on a proposal to pipe gas all the way from Turkmenistan.

Unocal was instrumental in proposing the Central Asia gas pipeline project in 1995 and in forming the seven-member CentGas consortium in October 1997. The consortium was formed to evaluate and, if found feasible, to participate in the future construction of a gas pipeline from Turkmenistan through Afghanistan to natural gas markets in Pakistan and, potentially, in India.

But in 1998, as a result of sharply deteriorating political situation in the region (primarily US cruise missile attacks in Afghanistan), Unocal, which was the lead manager for the Central Asia Gas (CentGas) pipeline consortium, suspended all activities involving the proposed pipeline project in Afghanistan.

The Unocal project was equally appealing to Pakistan and India, except that the pipeline would travel through Afghanistan, where the security situation remains volatile and uncertain. The condition in Afghanistan has not improved much with the change in government in Kabul and there is little likelihood that the writ of the Karzai government would extend to parts through which the proposed pipeline is expected to pass through.

For the Americans, therefore, this is a double predicament. On the one hand, the Iran pipeline would help that country break out of the economic isolation that the US has been carefully building around it, and on the other, this project would be built at the expense of a lucrative American project. Hence the reservations shown by the US.

The question that needs to be asked is whether India and Pakistan are willing to resist American pressures and go ahead with the project. Last week, Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz said that Pakistan had to choose one option by December.

Keeping this in mind, at this stage, India and Pakistan are much closer than before to an agreement on the gas pipeline from Iran. According to India’s Petroleum Minister, Mani Shankar Aiyar, who is being credited with overcoming Indian reservations, the project is now set to go ahead.

The plan, according to Aiyar, is for Iran to hammer out two separate agreements with India and Pakistan, thus bypassing the pitfalls of direct negotiations between Delhi and Islamabad. Under this agreement, Pakistan would earn at least 500 million dollars a year in transit fees.

Aiyar is being seen as a man of action in oil and gas circles. One week before making progress on the Iranian project, he persuaded his counterparts in Bangladesh and Burma to agree in principle to a pipeline that would bring Burma’s natural gas to India via Bangladesh. The deal, which could be hammered out by April and the pipeline built within two years, puts an end to years of Bangladeshi prevarication over whether to sell its own gas to India.

Under the agreement, Dhaka can decide whether to feed its own gas into the Burma-India pipeline without triggering the old fear of creating too much of a dependency on India.

But there is much difference between the deal being concluded with Bangladesh and Burma on one side and with Iran and Pakistan on the other. While India-Pakistan rivalry has been the biggest obstacle, the fact that America wants to plug its own project and, at the same time, keep out Iran seems to have made things more complicated than what India has bargained for.

US failure on Darfur

DARFUR’S genocide has been in the news for about a year now. There’s a temptation to say, okay, we failed on that, but that was last year’s failure; move on. But Darfur will be this year’s story even more than last year’s.

The number of deaths will likely be more appalling, not less so. Yet the diplomacy on Darfur spins pointlessly around irrelevant side questions. Within the Bush administration, panic is nowhere. The latest diplomatic diversion is a French-backed United Nations resolution that would hand responsibility for trying Darfur’s war crimes to the International Criminal Court.

If this resolution passes, Sudanese officials and warlords responsible for the killings will face a permanent threat of indictment and, if authorities can get hold of them, trial. This will remove their incentive to halt the genocide in the hope of gaining international acceptance; it will undermine the strategy of sanctions and diplomatic pressure. True, indictments would set a precedent that might deter future potential war criminals in other countries. But that won’t help Darfur.

The Bush administration opposes this French resolution but for the wrong reasons. It believes that a referral to the international court would legitimize a posse of politically unaccountable prosecutors, even though in this instance the prosecutors would be acting under the authority of the Security Council.

If it refuses to support the French resolution, especially on this flimsy basis, the administration will undermine its wider push for action. The French, Russians and Chinese will feel free to drag their feet on meaningful resolutions — including ones that impose sanctions on Sudan’s officials. The best course for the Bush administration is therefore to back the French resolution despite its drawbacks. Then, accepting that a further push for sanctions may be pointless, it should focus all its efforts on expanding the small peacekeeping force in Darfur.

This option is especially urgent given the projected death rate in the region. In recent months a huge relief effort has reduced mortality in accessible camps for displaced people, but fighting makes many supply roads unusable and puts much territory beyond the reach of aid workers.

In western Darfur, humanitarian groups have been unable to venture outside the main town recently; in southern Darfur, a US aid convoy was attacked probably by the Janjaweed militia backed by Sudan’s government. More such attacks could force aid organizations to withdraw from Darfur altogether. And yet the need is greater than it was a year ago.

—The Washington Post

Undeliberative democracy

IF the hallmark of the Senate is the ability of the minority to have its say or even to block action, the nature of the House of Representatives is the reverse: The majority can reduce the minority party to pesky irrelevance, choking off its opportunity to offer amendments or engage in debate.

That was the legitimate gripe of House Republicans during their long years out of power. As Republicans on the House Rules Committee put it in a 1993 report, “While the majority party always has the right to establish the rules and legislative agenda for the House, it should recognize the need to place responsible limits on those powers which permit all members to fully participate in the truly deliberative process.... “

When they took back the House in 1994, Republicans vowed to act differently. Indeed, they have — they have been even worse.

Their behaviour is that of a majority more interested in jamming through legislation than in providing for considered, open debate. The chief, most disturbing technique for doing this is to conduct floor debate under a “closed rule” — permitting only an up-or-down vote on the measure, with no amendments allowed — or a rule so restrictive that the only alternative vote would be on a single Democratic substitute.

— The Washington Post